Domestic violence: Social-cultural perspectives

Domestic violence: Social-cultural perspectives Domestic violence has been a serious social problem in many families, not only in the United States and United Kingdoms, but across the world. As per the 2003 surveys of the Centers for Disease Control, domestic problems or home violence had affected at least 32 million Americans (Bancroft, LT, Jay, GS. 2003). Research studies have also shown that different countries have various ways of dealing with the family violence, its public awareness, perception and documentation are all prone to variations from State to State. Actually, the initial use of the concept Domestic violence can be traced back to 1977 when it was first identified as serious and growing phenomena, following a series of researches (Archer, J.2000, Waits, K., 1985). These are a few manifestations that domestic violence has been a critical issue in many societies. It therefore deserved or still deserves to be given extra attention. This paper delves into the same, in attempt to find out, compile and discuss on issues surrounding domestic violence from different perspectives, and perhaps shed more light on the numerous cases of violence and social turbulences in homes and families. Introduction The concept Domestic violence have also commonly been referred to as spousal abuse, domestic abuse, intimate partner violence, or child abuse depending on who is victimized or affected in a way by the violence at home (Johnson, M., 2000). Reading through the work of Bancroft and Jay, spousal, child or domestic abuse is the act or the behavior of violence against a child, or a spouse. It is a raging conflict that may exist within a relationship perceived as very intimate, the cases of violence in families, marriages, between friends, in dating and all the intimate relationships categorically enclosed (Bancroft, LT, Jay, GS, 2003). According to the U.S Office on Violence against Women, domestic violence had been defined as a pattern of abusive conduct in any relationship that is used by one partner to gain or maintain power and authority over the other and control over an intimate partner (Johnson, M., 2000). In the year 2004, the Spanish Measures of Integral Protection against gender Violence contended that gender violence is the violence directed at women from the very fact of being a woman. This had been one of the most controversial and brutal sense of gender inequality ever witnessed in the history of domestic violence (Waits, K.1985). Intimate partner violence (IPV) assumes many patterns of abuse. Among such things that research studies have categorized as behaviors of violence are assault, insults, beating in any form i.e. kicking, slapping or hitting with anything, shoving, sexual abuses, emotional and psychological torture, economic deprivation, maltreatments, slavery and many alike (Waits, K.1985).According to Robertson and his research counterparts, domestic violence have been attributed to a number of possible causes, ranging from alcoholism to mental illnesses (Robertson, KP, Murachver,TM., 2009). Aim and Objective The aim of this paper is to discuss at length issues of domestic violence from different social-cultural perspectives. The paper seeks to address the mushrooming challenges surrounding social demographics i.e. families and homes across the societal divides. Its objective is to give a succinct elaboration on what many researchers hold to be right or wrong about the domestic violence. It investigates into the previous research findings and methods that had been employed to establish whether the spousal, child or family abuses could be brought to a permanent end, or the society have to live with and appreciate the violence as part of life. Literature Review United States as a point of reference is the one State that researches have shown to contribute a greater magnitude of long lasting domestic violence. Prolonged account of legal precedents pertaining to spousal abuses and relationship conflicts were common trends in the United States (Waits, K.1985).Similar cases have continuously been observed in the rest of the societies of the world. This implies that domestic violence have been a worldwide socio-cultural fiasco, not narrowed to the United States alone (Waits, K.1985). Many research studies have found that the most affected by the domestic violence are women. To begin with, the research conducted by Robertson and Murachver revealed that women were the first victims of all domestic chaos in every society. They emphasize many women were being battered, assaulted, insulted, sexually abused, emotionally and psychologically tortured by family affairs, and all manners of family violence (Robertson, KP, Murachver, TM. 2009).Backing up the claims of these researchers was Bancroft and his research colleagues. They too emphasized that even though domestic violence affected all the members of families, including children and the spouses, women were faced with the most staid domestic challenges resulting from the social conflicts and violence (Bancroft, LT, Jay, GS, 2003). The arguments and assertions of these researchers were however met by stern resistance from the National Institute of Justice whose research findings pointed out that both women and men were affected equally by domestic violence, and that to some extent or in some cases, men were faced with most challenges than could be compared to their wives and children (Waits, K., 1985, The Criminal Justice Response to Battering). The findings of the National Institute of Justice further contended men from a few families were also battered, assaulted and insulted by women, and so, justice had to prevail when handling domestic issues (Wait, K., 1985). However, the Centers of Disease Control and Prevention (CDCP) and the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) further refuted the findings of National Institute of Justice (NIJ), arguing that male and female spousal assaults could not be rated similarly as the research studies of the NIJ posited (Wait, K., 1985).The CDCP and BJS studies held there was more violence of men against women, men assaulting women, and not otherwise. Debates surrounding domestic violence were becoming controversial and highly contested. Archer Jefferson and other conflict resolution researchers also had their own stand. They opposed the assumption of gender equity or gender neutrality in domestic violence as held by some research scholars and civil rights movements (Archer, J., 2000) Pertinent to domestic violence characterized by controversial debates and arguments, there were also emerging gender movements whose major aims were to defend themselves against the claims on who between men and women violated the family peace accords the most. The first of such movements was a womens movement that beginning in 1970s (Bancroft, LT, Jay, GS, 2003).This movement was concerned with womens rights which held that men were ruthlessly abusing their wives. This move was later to be countered by the masculine movements commencing from1990s. Modern attention given to domestic chaos put into consideration factors that could have led to commencement of the gender conflicts and domestic fiascos (Bancroft, LT, Jay, GS, 2003). Survey estimates have, too, indicated that in every 1000 females, approximately 240 were victims of domestic assaults as compared to only 76 in every 1000 men going through the same domestic traumas (Robertson, KP, Murachver, TM. 2009). Nevertheless, some anonymous reports released in 1997 revealed that a good number of men who suffer from the wraths and brutalities of women fail to say so, therefore living no substantial evidence that could be used to approve to what extent men suffer the domestic violence concomitant to women The reports, however, noted that there were no certified proves that men under-reported their cases than women or the vise versa (Robertson, KP, Murachver, TM. 2009). The reports were though more categorical on the case of female reportage of domestic violence, admitting that a significant percentage of women were likely to accept they were being abused by their partners. This, according to reports, had been one of the challenges facing men, the fear to admit for safeguarding the perception of the masculine gender (Robertson, KP, Murachver, TM. 2009) Research Methodologies Among the most commonly used and criticized research methodology in investigating gender domestic violence was the use of Conflict Tactics Scale (CTS) survey tool. CTS was found in 1970 as a tool used in measuring the extent of domestic and gender conflicts through surveys and compilation of data. This research methodology was, however, met with stern criticisms and dissatisfaction by other research bodies like the U.S National Institute of Justice (NIJ), the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDCP) and the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) (Waits, K., 1985). The above highlighted research organs commonly contended that the use of CTS in research was not effective in a number of ways. It did not measure critical domestic violence aspects such as coercion, control, sexual assaults by ex-partners or partners, factors contributing to the domestic and gender violence (Waits, K., 1985). For such concrete assertions against the use of CTS, other research methodologies have been preferred in investigating issues of domestic violence. Such methodologies as filling of questionnaires, field researches, desk research, and interviews have commonly been utilized. Results and Findings The major findings concerning domestic violence is that women are generally the most victimized, though a number of other researches claim otherwise. Like-wisely, a significant percentage of men have fallen victims of gender violence. Debates as to whether it is women or men that suffer the consequences of domestic violence the most is still unsettled, with both genders pointing accusing fingers on who should be accused of violating the family piece accords almost always. Causes of domestic violence so highlighted indicate that alcoholism plays a significant role in instigating family violence, making the male gender to be the first culprit to be accused of the assaults and insults in the families. This follows the general notion that a better percentage of men are drunkards as compared to women. Other factors contributing towards the same are misunderstandings, mental illnesses, poverty, communication conflicts and cultural diversities (Robertson, KP., Murchver ,TM., 2009, Attributes and attributions associated with female and male partner violence). Discussions and Conclusion The so called domestic violence has no boundaries or limits. It can possibly take place in any family at any time. This, as Robertson and Murachver confirms, is very true in the cases of psychological abuses. After all, the violence doesnt need to go physical or get aggressive through attacks, and family skirmishes. Many psychological researchers have incessantly pointed out that the psychological kind of abuses in families present more severe consequences than could be compared to the equally consequential physical and aggressive domestic violence (Archer. 2000).Emotional abuses though minimal as the many surveys on domestic matters indicate, they leave prolonged and long lasting tensions (Robinson, KP, Murachver,TM, 2009). In conclusion, domestic violence may be regarded as part and parcel of life that both men and women should learn how to manage, appreciate and live with. ukessays>essays>classics Essays Roman Social Life ukessays>essays>classics Essays Roman Social Life What can the decoration and layout of the Pompeian house tell us about Roman social life? The eruption of Mt. Vesuvius in 79AD, and the subsequent destruction of Pompeii, and it’s near neighbour, Herculaneum; offers us a unique glimpse into Roman life at the end of the first century AD. There are, however, certain problems that must be understood before a discussion of Roman social life can be attempted. Pompeii was not a Roman city in the sense that it had not been founded by Roman citizens. At the time of its destruction it was already very old and had been inhabited by many generations of people from disparate backgrounds that came together to form their own uniquely structured society. From the early second century BC it is possible to identify four separate and distinct concepts of urban organisation within the city. It should further be noted that only a relatively small part of the city has been excavated to this point, and so any argument from archaeology will always be incomplete. The literary sources are even more problematic, Ancient authors rarely mention Pompeii before the first century BC and even after this date the sources are far from extensive. The writings of Varro (C.116-27BC), Vitruvius (fl.20-10BC) and Pliny the Younger (C.62-110AD) are our main sources. Archaeologists working at Pompeii, and indeed elsewhere, have tended to be classically trained scholars. The tendency of such scholars has been to interpret their finds in ways that are analogous to the Latin textual tradition. This is to say that scholars tend to assume that a given room in a given house must have been for an activity typically mentioned in one the sources. From the time of the very first excavations at Pompeii, a similarity was seen between the ideal plan of a Roman house set out in Vitruvius, and the floor plans of the many houses being unearthed. Terms deriving from Varro’s language study and Pliny the Youngers’ descriptions of his own country villas have also been applied to the floor plans at Pompeii. It is indeed common practice to label a room with a Latin term as soon as it is excavated. As a result of this, perhaps natural tendency, the archaeological remains have been interpreted in combination with textual references, and plans of Pompeian h ouses are general labelled with such terms. Some modern scholars even translate the Latin terms into the assumed appropriate modern equivalent. The implication of this is that we are given the impression that we are far better informed than we in reality are, as to the nature of the activity that occurred in any given room in a Pompeian house. Some of the terminology used by ancient authors, and followed by modern scholars, was undoubtedly used by Pompeians, but any assignment of labels to rooms should be treated with a due amount of caution. Amongst other problems, this assumes that the function of rooms did not change over time and that individual rooms served only one function, such as they largely do in the modern world. Relatively recently Wallace-Hardrill has offered a very convincing description of the social structure of Roman houses, demonstrating that the entire space of the house was arranged to present the identity and status of the owner to the surrounding community. This may seem an obvious point, but in relation to the question, it is a vital one to note. The social function of a house determined both the layout of the rooms and the choice of decoration within each room. There are two especially characteristic elements to this social function, namely the different use made of space depending on the type of visitor to the house, and the significance of the extravagant dimensions and the wasted space as an example of conspicuous consumption. Ancient authors present us with an image of clients waiting in the atrium for an audience with a wealthy patron as a yard-stick of the social status of that patron. He would receive more important guests in smaller rooms closer to the interior of the house. Often more secluded rooms were used if the discussions were considered private. Close friends would come to dinner in dining areas that were specifically and deliberately located at the rear of the garden peristyle. A social pecking order was thus easily established, corresponding to the increasing access given to the interior of the house. It is evident that architects took great pains when designing the peristyles of Pompeian houses, to ensure that a guest would receive the most comprehensive impression of the size of the patrons’ home. An example of the way this was achieved was to locate the largest and most impressive rooms around the peristyle courts so that all would be visible, along with the garden, as a guest was taken to the patron. The number of reception rooms, and indeed the total number of rooms, played a significant role in determining the rank of the household and the social status of the patron within the social hierarchy of the city. A wealthy homeowner would have a home large enough to receive guests in different areas depending on their numbers, social status, time of the day, season etc. This ability to choose the location of reception was key in establishing ones social status. Although the amount of money spent on a persons house was not always directly proportional to the individuals wealth, some relationship is certain, as today, it was the most expensive item in the family budget. In order to purchase a large and impressive dwelling, one that would indicate high social rank, considerable amounts of money were required. There were also ancillary costs to consider, high social status was implied from having a large number of slaves and household attendants; all of whom had to be housed themselves. A measure of the importance of an impressive house in determining social status of the senatorial class is indicated by the amount of debt Cicero incurred in order to obtain his house on the Palatine. The character of Trimalchio in Petronius Satyricon is also not unaware of the importance of a grand house. With his expensive and extensive house he can hope to be held in high esteem. In the description of the house all of the rooms are on a grand scale. Trimalchio relates that when ‘Scaurus’ came to town he preferred to stay with Trimalchio rather than in his own house by the sea. By spending large sums of money, Trimalchio can hope to raise his social status among the wealthy elite; such thinking can no doubt be applied to any town within the Roman Empire, and certainly to Pompeii. Quite naturally, the preceding discussion only applies to the wealthy and socially prominent. They were the only rank in Pompeian society who needed (or could afford) large atria to receive clients, or large dining rooms to entertain friends. It should be noted the Pompeian society, an indeed Roman society as a whole, was competitive and there was relatively extensive upward mobility, or at least the desire sue such. The social elites created a model for their less wealthy and powerful contemporise through their activities and particularly through the style in which they lived, at least when they placed themselves on ostentatious open display, as was the purpose of a grand house. Decoration, as well as size and general layout, was also used as a means of indicating, or attaining a certain social status. Thus both architecture and interior design were employed in the competition for social status in Pompeian society. The natural side effects of this were stylistic developments in the various arts and crafts employed in interior dà ©cor, especially in painting. It has been argued that room function can be determined from the decorative schemes and that the more elaborate decoration was in rooms that were most likely to be seen by visitors; whilst probably broadly true, as Wallace-Hadrill has shown, arguments based on the premise of a precise relationship between archaeological remains at Pompeii and the surviving textual source tradition are often trapped in circular arguments. The extensive nature of the decorations in the Pompeian house, and indeed in houses throughout the Roman world, tell us much about the social life of the inhabitants. The fact that Pompeian houses were extensively decorated, and particularly those areas through which visitors would pass, or in which they would stay for extended periods, such as reception rooms and dining rooms, tells us that visitors were common. Houses, therefore, performed a very significant social function. Not only were they areas in which to live, they were also designed and decorated to present the owner in the best possible light, to indicate to the world his wealth and social standing. The Interpretation of individual rooms is, as already mentioned, problematic. Archaeologists and classical historians tend to interpret the Pompeian house without any consideration of the contents of a given room at the time of the eruption. Whilst it is obvious that some fixtures, such as cooking hearths, shrines, water-catchment areas and garden colonnades provide a good indication of room use, no systematic evaluation of room contents at Pompeii has ever been made. With this in mind, it should be recognised that an understanding of the social significance of decoration in the Pompeian house can never be complete as decoration surely implies the contents of any given room and not just the wall decoration. One final point that should be made is that decorating a part of a house for the purposes of social display was not a specifically, or even an originally Roman idea. In Greek cities of the classical period the houses of the rich were more elaborately constructed and better furnished and decorated then those belonging to people from a lower social level. A wealthy visitor to an Athenian house of the fifth or fourth century no doubt expected certain standards of decoration in the room where the symposium took place. The decorative style of Roman elite houses drew its inspiration from that of the Classical and Hellenistic period, but soon developed in the competitive climate of the late Republic and early Empire. The Pompeian house, therefore, served a number of functions. It was somewhere for an individual and his family to live in the first instance. But it also performed a significant social function as a place to receive and impress clients. Its size and exterior adornments were an open display of wealth and social standing, making a claim to be from a particular social class (even if not born into it), and the decoration, both interior and exterior all served to reinforce this impression. The more elaborate the decoration, the greater the social status of the owner. Bibliography P.M.Allison, Pompeian Households: An Analysis of the Material Culture (Los Angeles 2004) A.Boethius J.B.Ward-Perkins, Etruscan and Roman Architecture (Middlesex 1970) A. Cooley, M.G.L. Cooley, Pompeii (London 2004) M.W.Frederiksen, Caesar, Cicero and the Problem of Debt, JRS, 56, 1966, 128-141 M. Grahame, Private and Public in the Roman House: Investigating the Social Order of the Casa del Fauno in R.Laurence A.Wallace-Hadrill, Domestic Space in the Roman World: Pompeii and Beyond (Michigan 1997) M.Grant, Cities of Vesuvius: Pompeii and Herculaneum (London 1971) W.M.Jongman, Pompeii (Amsterdam 1988) A.McKay, Houses, Villas and Palaces in the Roman World (Southampton 1977) M.C.Van Binneke, Some Remarks on the Functions of Houses and Rooms in the Insula V at Herculaneum. Mededelingen van het Nederlands Instituut te Rome, Antiquity 50, 1991, 136-144 A.Wallice-Hadrill, The Social Structure of Roman Houses, PBSR, 56, 1988, 43-97 A.Wallice-Hadrill, Houses and Society in Pompeii and Herculaneum (Princeton 1994) P. Zanker, Pompeii: Public and Private (London 1998)

Facebook Essay

Size of this preview: 336 ? 600 pixels. Other resolution: 134 ? 240 pixels. Full resolution ? (434 ? 775 pixels, file size: 34 KB, MIME type: image/jpeg) This is a file from the Wikimedia Commons. Information from its description page there is shown below. Commons is a freely licensed media file repository. You can help. DescriptionAn Essay concerning Humane Understanding in four books (1690) by John Locke (1632-1704) Date2005-12-03 (original upload date) SourceOriginally from de. wikipedia; description page is/was here.AuthorOriginal uploader was Olaf Simons at de. wikipedia Permission (Reusing this file) This image is in the public domain. Other versions [edit]Licensing This image (or other media file) is in the public domain because its copyright has expired. This applies to Australia, the European Union and those countries with a copyright term of life of the author plus 70 years. You must also include a United States public domain tag to indicate why this work is in the public d omain in the United States.Note that a few countries have copyright terms longer than 70 years: Mexico has 100 years, Colombia has 80 years, and Guatemala and Samoa have 75 years, Russia has 74 years for some authors. This image may not be in the public domain in these countries, which moreover do not implement the rule of the shorter term. Cote d'Ivoire has a general copyright term of 99 years and Honduras has 75 years, but they do implement the rule of the shorter term.This file has been identified as being free of known restrictions under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights. File history Click on a date/time to view the file as it appeared at that time. Date/TimeThumbnailDimensionsUserComment current22:32, 1 September 2010434 ? 775 (34 KB)JuTaigher resolution from de:Datei:Locke Essay 1690. jpg uploaded by de:user:Olaf Simons at 2005-12-03 23:22:27 local time with comment (John Locke, 1632-1704. An Essay concerning Humane Understanding in four books (Londo n: Printed for Tho.Basset, a 08:55, 15 August 2009396 ? 732 (54 KB)Jack Merridewslight rotation to fix look; fixed a few speckles, too 15:33, 25 April 2007396 ? 734 (148 KB)W. C. Minor{{Information |Description=An Essay concerning Humane Understanding in four books (1690) by John Locke (1632-1704) |Source=Originally from [http://de. wikipedia. org de. wikipedia]; descripti File usage The following pages on the English Wikipedia link to this file (pages on other projects are not listed): An Essay Concerning Human Understanding Essay Facebook Essay In 2004 a 20-year-old man named Mark Zukerberg created a phenomenon that involves over 500 million people in this world. In fact today, there are more people on Facebook, than there were on the planet 200 years ago. Zukerberg created this website not knowing that it would become this popular to the world. The concept of Facebook that Mark Zukerberg envisioned is viewed positively and negatively throughout the world. Facebook is always described as a place to make connections. Every person that you accept as a friend can see what you are doing on your profile.This is used to make connections with your friends that you may not have realized before. This could include adding your favorite movie; all of your friends then know what it is and can agree/disagree with your choice. Facebook is a place that makes it easy and efficient to connect with your friends, whether they live 5 miles or 5 hundred miles away. Some say you can do this by Instant Messaging, video chatting, e-mailing or writ ing letters. All of those options are true but what makes Facebook so popular is that you can do all of those things in one place to so many different people at once.For family that you do not see often, you can post pictures to show them what you have been doing. In the same place you can write them a note or video chat with them. The reason Zuckerbergs site became so popular so fast is because people want one place where they have many options of things to do. Another advantage to Facebook is the grouping it creates. You can create or join a group that states a common interest. People go into the group to talk about this interest, share ideas, and events about that interest.For example, last year my whole senior class planned a trip together. It would have been impossible to make this happen over texting or the phone so instead we used Facebook. Everyone could post ideas about what we should do and where we should go in this group. When someone posts everyone else can comment back saying what he or she thinks about that specific post. Some people join Facebook if they are famous or looking to become famous. They can post their latest projects there and all of their fans can comment, like, and share what the artist put up.This allows many different people to see it and show it to their friends so the artist can become more popular, especially if they are new. Mark Zuckerberg is the kid who created an online empire without even trying. In his 2010 interview in The New Yorker, Mark Zuckerberg is portrayed as a person who does not indulge with all of the money he has. It says that on his Facebook page his interests include â€Å"Minimalism,† â€Å"Revolutions,† and â€Å"Eliminating Desire. † He also states in a Facebook status that he does not own a TV. I think this goes to show what kind of person he is.He has had the same girlfriend, now wife, since college and they do not live in an over-luxurious home like most billionaires do. At 12 ye ars old, Zuckerberg created a simple version of what is now Instant Messenger for his fathers dental business and his own home. In his New Yorker interview, the author Jose Antonio Vargas says, â€Å"In all of our talks, the most animated Zuckerberg ever got—speaking with a big smile, almost tripping on his words, his eyes alert—was when he described his youthful adventures in coding. † I think this perfectly shows how innocently Zuckerberg views his programming and making websites.He really just enjoys it, not for the money or the fame but for the love of programming. In the world today you can find many critics of Facebook and of Mark Zuckerberg. I do not think people take enough time to look at the positives and the amazing online world that Zuckerberg created. It is interesting to see how many of the â€Å"haters† of Facebook are actually on it. Considering about 1 of every 13 people is on Facebook currently, I would suspect many people who speak nega tively couldn’t get off of it. Work Cited Vargas, Jose Antonio. The Face of Facebook. The New Yorker, 2010. Facebook Essay Size of this preview: 336 ? 600 pixels. Other resolution: 134 ? 240 pixels. Full resolution ? (434 ? 775 pixels, file size: 34 KB, MIME type: image/jpeg) This is a file from the Wikimedia Commons. Information from its description page there is shown below. Commons is a freely licensed media file repository. You can help. DescriptionAn Essay concerning Humane Understanding in four books (1690) by John Locke (1632-1704) Date2005-12-03 (original upload date) SourceOriginally from de. wikipedia; description page is/was here.AuthorOriginal uploader was Olaf Simons at de. wikipedia Permission (Reusing this file) This image is in the public domain. Other versions [edit]Licensing This image (or other media file) is in the public domain because its copyright has expired. This applies to Australia, the European Union and those countries with a copyright term of life of the author plus 70 years. You must also include a United States public domain tag to indicate why this work is in the public d omain in the United States.Note that a few countries have copyright terms longer than 70 years: Mexico has 100 years, Colombia has 80 years, and Guatemala and Samoa have 75 years, Russia has 74 years for some authors. This image may not be in the public domain in these countries, which moreover do not implement the rule of the shorter term. Cote d'Ivoire has a general copyright term of 99 years and Honduras has 75 years, but they do implement the rule of the shorter term.This file has been identified as being free of known restrictions under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights. File history Click on a date/time to view the file as it appeared at that time. Date/TimeThumbnailDimensionsUserComment current22:32, 1 September 2010434 ? 775 (34 KB)JuTaigher resolution from de:Datei:Locke Essay 1690. jpg uploaded by de:user:Olaf Simons at 2005-12-03 23:22:27 local time with comment (John Locke, 1632-1704. An Essay concerning Humane Understanding in four books (Londo n: Printed for Tho.Basset, a 08:55, 15 August 2009396 ? 732 (54 KB)Jack Merridewslight rotation to fix look; fixed a few speckles, too 15:33, 25 April 2007396 ? 734 (148 KB)W. C. Minor{{Information |Description=An Essay concerning Humane Understanding in four books (1690) by John Locke (1632-1704) |Source=Originally from [http://de. wikipedia. org de. wikipedia]; descripti File usage The following pages on the English Wikipedia link to this file (pages on other projects are not listed): An Essay Concerning Human Understanding Essay

Sachin Tendulkar

Sachin Ramesh Tendulkar  (English pronunciation:  /s t n t? n? du? lk? r/  (  listen); born 24 April 1973)[1]  is an  Indian cricketer  widely acknowledged as the greatestbatsman  in  One Day Internationals[2]  and second only to  Don Bradman  in the all time greatest list in  Test cricket. [3]  In 2002,  The Wisden  ranked him the second greatest Test batsman of all time, behind  Don Bradman, and the second greatest one-day-international (ODI) batsman of all time, behind  Viv Richards. [4]  Tendulkar was a part of the  2011 Cricket World Cup  winning  Indian team  in the later part of his career, his first such win in six World Cup appearances for India. 5]  He was also the recipient of â€Å"Player of the Tournament† award of the  2003 Cricket World Cup  held in South Africa. Tendulkar won the 2010  Sir Garfield Sobers Trophy  for cricketer of the year at the ICC awards. [6]  He has been recommended for the receipt of the  Bharat Ratna  award, in fact it has been speculated that the criteria for the award of the  Bharat Ratna  was changed to allow him receive the award. [7][8]  He is also a member of  Rajya Sabha  ofParliament of India. [9]  Tendulkar passed 30,000 runs in international cricket on 20 November 2009.On 5 December 2012, Tendulkar became first batsman in history to cross the 34,000 run aggregate in all formats of the game put together. [10][11][12]  At 36 years and 306 days, he became the first ever player to score a double-century in the history of ODIs. Two years later he became the first player to score 100 international centuries. As of December 2012, Tendulkar has played 657 matches in international cricket. [13] Tendulkar has been honoured with the  Padma Vibhushan  award, India's second highest civilian award, and the  Rajiv Gandhi Khel Ratna  award, India's highest sporting honour.He was also the first sportsperson and the first one without  aviat ionbackground to be awarded the honorary rank of  Group Captain  by the  Indian Air Force. Tendulkar has received honorary doctorates from  University of Mysore  andRajiv Gandhi University of Health Sciences. [14][15]  Sachin holds the 19th rank in  ICC Player Rankings  for Test batsmen as of 17 March 2013. [16]  On 1 August 2012, Sachin Tendulkar was nominated for the ICC People's Choice award for the third time. [17]  In 2012, he was nominated to  Rajya Sabha, the upper house of theParliament of India.Sachin Tendulkar was named as an Honorary  Member of the Order of Australia  in 2012. [18]  On 23 December 2012, Tendulkar announced his retirement from ODIs. [19][20][21][22]  Tendulkar has already stated that he will not be playing  T20 Internationals  [23] Contents  Ã‚  [hide]   * 1  Early years and personal life * 1. 1  Beliefs * 2  Early domestic career * 3  International career * 3. 1  Early career * 3. 2  Rise through the ranks * 3. 3  Captaincy * 3. 4  Injuries and apparent decline * 3. 5  Return to old form and consistency * 3.   2007/08 tour of Australia * 3. 7  Home series against South Africa * 3. 8  Sri Lanka Series * 3. 9  Return to form and breaking the record * 3. 10  ODI and Test Series against England * 3. 11  2009–2010 * 3. 12  2011 World Cup and after * 3. 12. 1  100th international century * 3. 12. 2  Return To Ranji Trophy and retirement from ODIs * 4  Indian Premier League and Champions League * 5  Style of play * 6  Controversies * 6. 1  Mike Denness incident * 6. 2  Ferrari import tax * 7  Fan following * 8  Business interests * 8.   Commercial endorsements * 9  Political career * 10  Career achievements * 10. 1  Individual honours and appreciations * 10. 1. 1  National honours * 10. 1. 2  Other honours * 11  Philanthropy * 12  Biographies * 13  See also * 14  Further reading * 15  Notes * 16  References * 17  Externa l links| ————————————————- Early years and personal life Tendulkar was born on 24 April 1973 into a  Rajapur Saraswat Brahmin  family in Bombay (now  Mumbai). [24][25][26]  His father Ramesh Tendulkar was a reputed  Marathi  novelist and his mother Rajni worked in the insurance industry. 27]  Ramesh named Tendulkar after his favourite music director,  Sachin Dev Burman. Tendulkar has three elder siblings: two half-brothers Nitin and Ajit, and a half-sister Savita. They were Ramesh's children from his first marriage. [28]  He spent his formative years in the  Sahitya Sahawas Cooperative Housing Society,  Bandra (East), Bombay. As a young boy, Tendulkar was considered a bully, and often picked up fights with new children in his school. [29]  He also showed an interest in  tennis, idolising  John McEnroe. [30]  To help curb his mischievous and bu llying tendencies, Ajit introduced him to cricket in 1984.He introduced the young Sachin to  Ramakant Achrekar, a famous cricket coach of Bombay and a club cricketer of repute, at  Shivaji Park,  Dadar, Bombay. Achrekar was impressed with Tendulkar's talent and advised him to shift his schooling to Sharadashram Vidyamandir (English) High School,[1]  a school at Dadar which had a dominant cricket team and had produced many notable cricketers. [31]  Prior to this, Tendulkar had attended the Indian Education Society's New English School in Bandra (East). [31]  He was also coached under the guidance of Achrekar at Shivaji Park in the mornings and evenings. 32]  Tendulkar would practice for hours on end in the nets. If he became exhausted, Achrekar would put a one-rupee  coin on the top of the  stumps, and the bowler who dismissed Tendulkar would get the coin. If Tendulkar passed the whole session without getting dismissed, the coach would give him the coin. Tendulkar n ow considers the 13 coins he won then as some of his most prized possessions. [33]  He moved in with his aunt and uncle, who lived near Shivaji Park, during this period, due to his hectic schedule. [31] Sachin Tendulkar and his wife Anjali Meanwhile at school, he developed a reputation as a child prodigy.He had become a common conversation point in Mumbai cricketing circles, where there were suggestions already that he would become one of the greats. Besides school cricket, he also played club cricket, initially representing John Bright Cricket Club in Bombay's premier club cricket tournament, the Kanga League,[31]  and later went on to play for the  Cricket Club of India. [34]In 1987, at the age of 14, he attended the  MRF Pace Foundation  in Madras (now  Chennai) to train as a  fast bowler, but Australian fast bowler  Dennis Lillee, who took a world record 355 Test wickets, was unimpressed, suggesting that Tendulkar focus on his batting instead. 35]A couple of mont hs later, former Indian batsman  Sunil Gavaskar  gave him a pair of his own ultra light pads. â€Å"It was the greatest source of encouragement for me,† Tendulkar said nearly 20 years later after surpassing Gavaskar's world record of 34 Test centuries. [36]  His season in 1988 was extraordinary, with Tendulkar scoring a century in every innings he played. He was involved in an unbroken 664-runpartnership  in a Lord Harris Shield inter-school game against Anjuman-E-Islam High School in 1988 with his friend and team-mateVinod Kambli, who would also go on to represent India.The destructive pair reduced one bowler to tears and made the rest of the opposition unwilling to continue the game. Tendulkar scored 326 (not out) in this innings and scored over a thousand runs in the tournament. [37]  This was a record partnership in any form of cricket until 2006, when it was broken by two under-13 batsmen in a match held at  Hyderabad  in India. On 24 May 1995,[38]  at th e age of 22, Tendulkar married Anjali, a  paediatrician  and daughter of  Gujarati  industrialist Anand Mehta and British social worker Annabel Mehta.Anjali is six years his senior. [39]  They have two children, Sara (born 12 October 1997) and Arjun (born 24 September 1999). Arjun, a left handed batsman, has recently been included in under-14 probables list of Mumbai Cricket Association for off-season training camp. In January 2013 he was selected in mumbai under-14 team for the west zone league  [40] Beliefs Tendulkar is known to be a religious person,[41]  and an ardent devotee of  Sathya Sai Baba  of Puttaparthi. [42][43][44]  He has visited Puttaparthi on several occasions to seek Baba's blessings. 42][45]  In 1997, Tendulkar captained the Indian National side, playing against a World Eleven team, in the Unity Cup which was held at the hill view stadium in Puttaparthi, in Baba's presence. [46][47]  After Sai Baba's death, Tendulkar broke into tears when h e saw the body of Baba in Puttaparthi, and cancelled his birthday celebrations. [48][49][50]  The cricketer is also known to celebrate Ganesh Chaturthi at home and frequently visits temples during night when it is calm and quiet. [41][51]  The cricketer has also offered his prayers at several other  Hindu  temples across the country. 52][53] ————————————————- Early domestic career On 14 November 1987, Tendulkar was selected to represent  Bombay  in the  Ranji Trophy, India's premier domestic  first-class crickettournament, for the 1987–88 season. However, he was not selected for the final eleven in any of the matches. [31]  A year later, on 11 December 1988, aged just 15 years and 232 days, Tendulkar made his debut for Bombay against  Gujarat  at home and scored 100 not out in that match, making him the youngest Indian to score a century on fir st-class debut.He was handpicked to play for the team by the then Mumbai captain  Dilip Vengsarkar  after watching him easily negotiating India's best fast bowler at the time,  Kapil Dev, in theWankhede Stadium  nets,[1]  where the  Indian team  had come to play against the touring  New Zealand team. He followed this by scoring a century in his first Deodhar and Duleep Trophies, which are also Indian domestic tournaments. [54] Tendulkar finished the 1988–89 season as Bombay's highest run-scorer. [note 1][55]  He also made an unbeaten century in the  Irani Trophy  match against  Delhi  at the start of the 1989–90 season, playing for the Rest of India. 56] In 1992, at the age of 19, Tendulkar became the first overseas-born player to represent  Yorkshire, which prior to Tendulkar joining the team, never selected players even from other English counties. [1][note 2]  Selected for Yorkshire as a replacement for the injuredAustralian  fast bow ler  Craig McDermott, Tendulkar played 16 first-class matches for the county and scored 1070 runs at an average of 46. 52. [57] His first double century was for Mumbai while playing against the visiting Australian team at the  Brabourne Stadium  in 1998. [1]  He is the only player to score a century in all three of his domestic first-class debuts. 58] ————————————————- International career Early career Raj Singh Dungarpur  is credited for the selection of Tendulkar for the Indian tour of  Pakistan  in late 1989,[59]  and that also after just one first class season. [60]  The Indian selection committee had shown interest in selecting Tendulkar for the tour of the  West Indies  held earlier that year, but eventually did not select him, as they did not want him to be exposed to the dominant fast bowlers of the West Indies so early in his career. Tendulka r mad

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